Multipolar Imperium

KALASAG EXPANDS INTO BHARAT, SIGNS CONTRACT WITH TATA GROUP
September 2000

With significant support from the Philippine government through funding and contracts, as well as steady growth in private security contracts with local entities, KALASAG has been able to further expand its security personnel. In addition to having significantly bolstered its three standing combat units in Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao to increase operational scope and effectiveness, KALASAG has also established a fourth combat unit, the Adarna Regiment, to serve as the firm’s first international operators.

The Adarna Regiment, named after the mythical bird of the epic poem of the same name, is composed of selected veterans of the three existing KALASAG regiments. KALASAG sees overseas operations as a natural expansion for the company and so wants to ensure the initial success of its flagship unit for international contracts. And with blossoming diplomatic and economic ties with Bharat, the Indian subcontinent seemed to be the best opportunity to bring KALASAG to the international stage.

While the Bharat government, through the provisions of the BPCA, has provided ample support for KALASAG’s entry into the country, the company’s success is built on its landmark contract with the Tata Group, the largest business conglomerate in Bharat. With the Tata Group having a major stake in many key industries in Bharat, KALASAG’s performance as its security provider would define the tone of its operations in Bharat, and, consequently, the world.

KALASAG would primarily serve as security personnel for capital-intensive property under the Tata Group, namely plantations of Tata Consumer Products, as well as industrial and power plants of Tata Power, Tata Chemicals, Tata Steel, and Tata Motors. KALASAG would also serve as escorts for high-value cargo for transport and bodyguards for executives and key Tata personnel, including directors of Tata Sons and Chairman Ratan Tata.

While the security contract with the Tata Group is not expected to see as extensive combat as clashes with the communist guerrillas back in the Philippines, KALASAG Chairman Emmanuel Dela Rosa has emphasized that supreme excellence remains expected due to the importance of the venture’s success to his appointed officers.

Alzarikstan wrote:

FOX NEWS SPECIAL REPORT: DoD Expands Next-Generation Cruise Missile Program with Northrop Grumman as Third Partner

Date: February 25, 2000
Reporter: James Carter

In a major development, the Department of Defense (DoD) has announced the inclusion of Northrop Grumman in the highly anticipated Next-Generation Cruise Missile (NGCM) program. The project, previously awarded jointly to Lockheed Martin and General Dynamics, aims to develop a cutting-edge cruise missile capable of near-hypersonic speeds, multi-platform integration, and enhanced stealth capabilities. This collaboration brings together three of the defense industry’s most prominent players to deliver a weapon system that will define modern warfare.

Missile Specifications and Features

The NGCM is a modular and adaptive cruise missile intended for air- and ship-launched platforms.

Key Specifications:

• Speed: Near-hypersonic (approaching Mach 5).
• Range: Standard model ~1,200 miles; tactical variants ~900 miles.
• Length: 21 feet (standard); reduced size for platform-specific variants.
• Weight: ~3,300 pounds (standard); ~2,800 pounds for lighter variants.
• Payload: Configurable warheads, including high-explosive, penetration, and electronic warfare payloads.
• Guidance: AI-enhanced targeting systems with robust counter-jamming capabilities.
• Stealth: Low-observable design to minimize radar signature.

New Partnership with Northrop Grumman

Northrop Grumman will bring additional expertise in propulsion systems, advanced sensors, and stealth integration. Acting Undersecretary of Defense Michael W. Wynne praised the decision:
“The inclusion of Northrop Grumman strengthens an already stellar team. Their contributions to propulsion and stealth technology will ensure the NGCM meets and exceeds the demands of modern warfare.”

Northrop Grumman will lead efforts to integrate the missile’s technology with next-generation airframes and enhance interoperability across allied forces.

Platform-Specific Variants

1. F-15E Strike Eagle Variant (NGCM-F15)

• Role: Long-range precision strikes and battlefield interdiction.
• Features: Full range (~1,200 miles) and optimized for high-altitude supersonic launches.
• Development: Northrop Grumman will provide advanced sensors to enhance strike accuracy.
• Timeline: Testing completed by late 2004; deployment begins late 2005.

2. F-16C Fighting Falcon Variant (NGCM-F16)

• Role: Tactical strikes and suppression of enemy air defenses (SEAD).
• Features: Reduced size (~19 feet, ~2,800 pounds) for compatibility with wing-mounted hardpoints; ~900-mile range.
• Development: General Dynamics leads size reduction efforts; Lockheed oversees guidance optimization.
• Timeline: Prototype testing by 2005, operational by mid-2006.

3. F-23 Black Widow II Variant (NGCM-F23)

• Role: Stealth missions in heavily contested environments.
• Features: Internal weapons bay compatibility, extended range, and enhanced stealth integration by Northrop Grumman.
• Timeline: Testing by 2006, operational by early 2007.

4. Naval Variant (NGCM-N)

• Role: Ship-launched strikes against land and sea targets.
• Features: Vertical launch system (VLS) compatibility and enhanced survivability in maritime environments.
• Timeline: Testing in mid-2003, operational by early 2005.

Development Timeline

Standard NGCM (Baseline Model)

• 2000-2001: Design and prototyping of core systems.
• 2002-2003: Testing phases, including air-launched and ship-launched trials.
• 2004: Production begins; deployment to strategic bombers and naval vessels by early 2005.

Variants

• F-15E NGCM-F15: Full integration by late 2005.
• F-16C NGCM-F16: Operational by mid-2006.
• F-23 NGCM-F23: Full readiness by early 2007.
• Naval Variant NGCM-N: Deployed by early 2005.

Economic and Strategic Impacts

Economic Benefits

• Projected to create over 15,000 jobs across development and manufacturing sectors in the U.S.
• Joint program funding exceeds $15 billion over the next decade.

Strategic Advantages

• Boosted capability to address anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) challenges posed by adversaries.
• Enhanced interoperability across NATO allies and allied nations.
• Strengthened U.S. deterrence in high-conflict zones.

Expert Analysis

The addition of Northrop Grumman to the NGCM program reflects the Pentagon’s intent to leverage the full range of American defense expertise. With three of the nation’s top contractors working together, the NGCM is expected to dominate modern warfare landscapes and serve as a key asset in NATO’s strategic arsenal.

As Lockheed Martin, General Dynamics, and Northrop Grumman move forward, the defense industry eagerly awaits the impact of this collaboration on the U.S. military’s operational capabilities.

Stay tuned for updates on testing and deployment as the NGCM program progresses.

End of Report

NAU-Great Britain Partnership Announced for Hypersonic Missile Development

Date: September 15, 2000
Reporter: James Carter

In a significant step forward for transatlantic defense collaboration, the North American Union (NAU) and Great Britain have joined forces to advance the Next-Generation Hypersonic Missile (NGHM) program. This landmark partnership brings together the expertise of leading defense firms from the NAU and the UK to deliver a state-of-the-art hypersonic missile system capable of dominating future battlefields.

The program, initially developed as a U.S.-led initiative, has now expanded into a joint NAU project, incorporating Canadian defense leaders such as CAE Inc., Magellan Aerospace, and IMP Aerospace & Defense, alongside American giants Lockheed Martin, General Dynamics, and Northrop Grumman, and British powerhouses BAE Systems, Rolls-Royce, and QinetiQ.

NGHM Program Overview

The NGHM will be a modular hypersonic missile designed for integration across air, sea, and ground platforms. It will feature cutting-edge stealth, unparalleled speed, and advanced precision capabilities, ensuring global operational superiority.

Updated Specifications:

• Speed: Hypersonic (Mach 6).
• Range: ~1,800 miles for the standard variant; ~1,200 miles for tactical variants.
• Length: 24 feet for standard models; 21 feet for tactical variants.
• Weight: ~4,000 pounds for the standard variant; ~3,200 pounds for lighter versions.
• Payload: Configurable warheads, including high-explosive, penetration, electronic warfare, and hypersonic glide vehicles.
• Guidance: AI-enhanced targeting systems with advanced counter-electronic warfare capabilities.
• Stealth: Improved low-observable features incorporating materials from NAU and UK research.

Contributions from NAU and UK Partners

1. NAU Firms:
• Lockheed Martin and General Dynamics: Oversee core system integration and ensure compatibility with NAU air and naval platforms.
• CAE Inc. (Canada): Leads in-flight simulation and advanced testing for hypersonic navigation.
• Magellan Aerospace (Canada): Develops lightweight composite materials for the missile’s airframe.

2. British Firms:
• BAE Systems: Focuses on stealth technologies and airframe optimization.
• Rolls-Royce: Designs and manufactures advanced scramjet propulsion systems for sustained hypersonic flight.
• QinetiQ: Enhances electronic warfare resistance and advanced guidance systems.

Development Timeline

• 2000-2001: Initial system design and technology demonstrations, including NAU-UK technology sharing.
• 2002: Prototyping and wind tunnel tests for hypersonic propulsion and airframe performance.
• 2003-2004: Integrated testing of baseline models on fighter jets and naval platforms.
• 2005: Standard model production and deployment on allied bombers and naval fleets.

-----------------------------------
General James L. Jones, Commander of the NAU Joint Defense Forces, highlighted the significance of this collaboration:

“The NGHM represents not only a leap in technology but a deepened partnership between the NAU and Great Britain. Together, we’re creating a hypersonic system that will ensure the security of our shared values and interests well into the future.”

A R A B‎ ‎ ‎ R E P U B L I C‎ ‎ ‎ O F‎ ‎ ‎ E G Y P T‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ •‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ‎ ج م ه و ر ي ة ‎ ‎ م ص ر ‎ ‎ ا ل ع ر ب ي ة

‎SEPTEMBER 2000

FORTY EIGHT YEARS OF ARAB SOCIALIST REIGN

ثمانية وأربعون عاماً من الحكم الاشتراكي العربي

A HISTORY, Suuvla

CAIRO, Cairo Governorate, Arab Republic of Egypt

| The beloved homeland of the Arab liberational spirit, Egypt. Across the entire Arab World, the dream of Egypt's former President Gamal Abdel Nasser has looked towards the nation on two continents as a bridge from the centuries of colonial disgrace in the past to a future enlightened by the guiding light of Arabism. |

| The dream was born in Egypt, in the 1930s and 1940s, during a period of intense political crisis and upheaval in the then-British colony. Under the rule of a despotic yet ineffectual king, the Egyptian peoples suffered at the hands of the British colonial yoke, deprived of a chance to steer their own future, behold to the feudal systems of the past in a world increasingly tormented by the violent transition of the world into a globalized, industrialized post-Medieval society. In Egypt, a country with a massive wealth inequality, the effects of modernization were particularly visible, with the rift between aristocratic and colonial society and the life of the average Egyptian peasant, fisherman, or artisan growing increasingly disconnected. During the Second World War, the hope of Egypt silently and unknowingly coalesced in the form of a military underclass of officers who, in the midst of the War, began to develop their own idealistic view for the future of Egypt, one no longer burdened by feudalism, colonialism, or westernism - one independent economically, culturally, politically. These officers - men like Gamal Abdel Nasser, Zakaria Mohieddin, Mohammad Naguib, and countless others - developed a political conscious in lockstep with the Egyptian people during the war years, as the ineptitude and incompetence of the Kingdom became increasingly more and more blatantly obvious for all to see. A head was reached in 1952 when these officers, now in charge of a greater breadth of military assets, launched a revolution which overthrew the decadent Egyptian King and replaced him with a military-led republican government under President Mohammad Naguib. |

| The Presidency of Maj. Gen. Naguib would ultimately prove short lived due to his growing closeness with political forces opposed to radical reforms, such as the Wafd and the Muslim Brotherhood who much of the Revolutionary Command Council saw as the biggest threat to a republican Egypt. The remaining leaders of the RCC, under the authority of Nasser, forced Naguib to advocated and installed Nasser as the second President of the Egyptian Republic. Nasser, a bright-eyed and younger idealist, was swift to oversee sweeping reforms in Egypt across all sectors, including the abolition of the feudal land systems which had been oppressing the peasants for centuries, secularization reforms to combat the influence of the Muslim Brotherhood, socialist reforms to nationalize much of the economy and kickstart an Egyptian industrial revolution with the benefit of the working classes in mind, military reforms to strengthen the army amidst the Cold War, and the Arabization of Sudan. Major political victories came swiftly thereafter in 1956, as Nasser's regime united the northern half of Sudan with Egypt proper, nationalized the Suez Canal, and humiliated a western coalition in the Suez War triumphantly. Nasser's Annus mirabilis launched a wave of Arab nationalism across the Middle East, leading to the establishment of other Arab Socialist regimes in countries such as Iraq, Syria, Libya, and Yemen in the coming years. Nasser, all but elevated to the position of a national hero, solidified his regime's popularity and loyalty amongst the Egyptian people, giving him a mandate to oversee a complete societal revolution in Egypt. |

| Nasser's reforms would not be without their issues or their antagonists, and as the economy and military developed and expanded, so too did the nation's efforts to crackdown on Muslim Brotherhood cells and Sudanese separatists. For every leap the Nasserist government made towards progress, equal steps of brutality were committed under the cover of night in Egypt's major cities, or on the fringes in the southern governorates in Egyptian Sudan. The 1960s in Egypt saw the Arab Republic become a Middle Eastern powerhouse and the de facto leader of the Non-Aligned Movement, straddling the tight line between East and West as an unassailable bastion of neutrality and independence in the post-Colonial world. Egypt developed a homegrown nuclear program under the direction of Sameera Moussa, supplied arms and funding to decolonial movements in Africa, and exported the Arab socialist movement to neighboring countries. Socialist reforms eased in the later half of the 1960s as the Nasser government sought western investments to strengthen the economy, resulting in the period of 1965-1970 being the most stable period in Egypt's history. Sudan, under the internal dictatorship of Minister of Sudanese Affairs Ismail al-Azhari as his own personal state, continued to Arabize in this time, a conflict mostly underreported in Egyptian media and abroad underneath the stability of Egypt's new socialist golden age. |

| The situation deteriorated in the 1980s, however, as the hybridization of western free market economics with secular Arab Socialism completely mobilized the full force of anti-western fundamentalism and Islamist at the same exact time as a new generation was beginning to enter maturity. A Qutbist insurgency, led by Abdullah Yusuf Azzam, Ayman al-Zawahiri and other burgeoning Salafi community leaders started to develop in the early years of the 1980s resulting in the assassination of numerous Arab Socialist politicians, including an assassination attempt on President Nasser in 1983 which claimed the life of his apparent successor, Zakaria Mohieddine. Though never quite boiling over into civil war, the Qutbist jihad against Nasser's government saw a decade of stagnation from 1981 to 1990 marked by terrorism, internal division, increased military presence in civil life, and the transition of the Egyptian government's leaders from the founding generation of revolutionaries to a new generation. Economic development slowed, though total economic collapse was staved off due to limited privatization of Sudanese oil fields in the mid-to-late 1980s. With Ismail al-Azhari also dying of natural causes in the late 1970s, the new generation of pro-Egyptian Sudanese politicians lost the tight grip that al-Azhari, the 'attack dog of Cairo in Sudan', had held over the southern governorates. The political crisis of the 1980s marked an intense period of turmoil for the Arab Republic of Egypt, but Nasser's government managed to eventually expell and defeat the Qutbist insurgency by 1991, with most of the organization's leaders fleeing the country or being executed. |

| Gamal Abdel Nasser, President of Egypt, died thirty eight years into his Presidency of a heart attack in July 1994. Under his presidency, he had taken Egypt from a backwards, mostly illiterate tribal state towards a modernized, secularized, educated society serving as a bulwark in the Middle East against fundamentalism, radical Islamism, imperialism, and communism. His funeral in Moscow was attended by nearly four million people from across the Arab World and was attended by state dignitaries from every Arab country and nearly every major power across the globe. In the wake of his death, any fears of a power struggle were quelled when Nasser's heir apparent, Khaled Mohieddin, secured control over all state functions without opposition. One of the few members of the Egyptian state close enough to Nasser to publicly disagree with him, President Mohieddin immediately set to establishing a cult of personality around the late statesmen, sure to portray himself as the rightful successor to the Nasserist legacy. |

| Since 1994, the Arab Republic of Egypt under President Mohieddin has continued the course of development and modernization laid about before the Qutbist Emergency. A new generation of Egyptians, raised after the revolution, is now entering maturity into a world of nearly unlimited potential as Egypt's powerhouse economy dominates most of Africa and the Middle East. Strengthened by growing economic links with Europe and Asia, the Egyptian economy has afforded the new generation of Egyptians with opportunities unthinkable to their grandparents, all while providing developed welfare services for the disenfranchised. The military, the strongest in the Arab World, is extremely self-sufficient with a large domestic manufacturing base and a navy large enough to be a real contender for control over the eastern Mediterranean. Sudan, largely at peace beyond the border governorates, continues to see development due to its rich oil industry, lining the pockets of Sudanese officials and foreign investors, as well as Egypt's state-owned Egyptian General Petroleum Corporation. Overtures have been made to the Ba'athist government of Saddam Hussein in Baghdad as well as to the Soviet Union as they bounce back from their own political crisis, a move seen by most analysts as one meant to strengthen Egypt's position in the East as it becomes increasingly isolated as its power grows. The Arab Republic of September 2000 is one which takes pride in its history while looking at the future with hope, optimism, and joy. |

| In Port Said, the city where Nasser humiliated French and British troops in 1956, a statue of the former President built by President Mohieddin in 1995 sits at the gateway to the Suez Canal, dominating the much older monument to Ferdinand de Lesseps. Nearly twenty feet tall, the statue sends a clear message to anybody sailing through the Canal - |

'Here, here is the country of Nasser - the country of the Arab liberation, the country of the Arab rebirth, the country of men who are free, truly free!'

The Subcontinent Speaks

Bhārat's News Leader

How One Small Town Might Change The World

23 September 2000

One small town in Bhārat may hold the key that forever changes the future of small communities with limited assets and little potential from standard agricultural practices.

Welcome to Utpatti, Madhya Pradesh, a planned community in the heart of Bhārat.

The community has been built around one of the numerous abandoned open-pit mining sites that litter the nation in an area that historically fails to meet any agricultural productivity standards due to poor farming practices combined with a sharp dependency upon fickle rainfall ammounts. Now armed with new technologies, government sponsored training programs, and the potential ability for poor families to rise above the bindings of extreme poverty, Utpatti is poised to show the rest of Bhārat and the world what can truly be possible.

Phase One:
The abandoned mine was designated by the government for reclamation and transformation into a large scale fish hatchery operation, thus creating a productive asset from a dangerous remnant of a bygone era. Old equipment was removed and the pit cleared of toxic materials.

Next a 2km section of the smallish river in close proximity was rerouted to flow into the pit and rejoin its natural course as outflow from the newly established lake reached peak levels. To take advantage of the extreme water pressures near the bottom of the nearly 260 meter lake, four 3m pipe systems were installed to create four pressure fed artificial waterfall points on the higher elevation cliffs now located on the lake's northern rim. Four small waterflow power generation units were installed on these sites.

Phase Two:
As the lake began to fill, construction of the fishery began. Breeding and hatching pools were constructed in a large, climate controlled building with ponds for growth established in the shallow areas near the lake's edge. These pools also were designed to pull double-duty as rice paddy fields. The rice can be harvested for food consumption, while the plants are left to decay, providing natural fertilizer for the next crop as well as needed nutrients for the fish. The plants also provide a home for a multitude of insects, organisms and algae, which also contribute to higher quality and quantities of fish production. The shallowest of the pools have been specifically tailored for algae production. Once the fish reach a survivable age, the are released into the deeper parts of the lake where they can be harvested upon reaching maturity.

In conjunction with the fish production, a processing plant was also built on site, to powered by one of the waterfall generators. The fishery and processing plant will provide employment for an estimated 300 individuals.

Phase Three:
The construction of the town itself provides homes for 1,000 families as well as buildings for needed business operations such as grocery, fuel stations, merchandise stores, farming supplies, and other necessities including a poultry processing plant and soy processing facility.

More than 2,500 acres of land surrounding the town has been designated for agricultural production, namely farming and poultry with 1/4 of crop production being dedicated for soy. Irrigation is provided via wind-powered pumps along the lake's Western shore. Power for the town is provided by the third waterfall generator combined with point of use wind and solar generations.

Phase Four: Cash generation.
The profitability of the town comes from its state of the art facility that produces biodiesel, biomethane, fertilizer, soap, and glycerol.

Oils are extracted from soy, algae, and poultry waste with excess water being purified before reintroduction into the lake.

All waste from the town, processing plants, poultry farms, and crop production are gathered and composted providing for the harvest of biomethane before transformation into high quality fertilizers. Power for this facility is provided by the 4th waterfall generator.

The oils and methane are then combined in a transesterification process to create the primary product of biodiesel which is seperated from its byproducts of soap and glycerol. The biodiesel provides fuel for automobiles and farming equipment. Excess biodiesel, biomethane, fertilizer, soap, and glycerol along with poultry and fish products can then be sold to provide income for the community.

While final evaluations of the program are years way from any definitive determinations, initial studies and projections are extremely positive. Though the process miat need refinement, the end results could change the lives and outlook for millions of communities around the world.

Globo News
September 26th 2000

MILLIONS RALLY FOR TEBET’S AGENDA AS STRUCTURAL REFORMS FACE CONGRESSIONAL RESISTANCE

BRASÍLIA, DF - Millions of Brazilians took to the streets this weekend, rallying in support of President Simone Tebet’s ambitious reform agenda. Under the banner of the “Forward Together” movement, the mobilisation emphasised public demand for the approval of sweeping structural changes, including the long-delayed Reformas de Base. The event has been hailed as one of the largest demonstrations in recent Brazilian history, underscoring the urgency of national reform.

The Reformas de Base, originally proposed in the 1960s under President João Goulart, represent a bold attempt to address Brazil’s enduring inequalities. These initiatives, derailed by the military coup of 1964, included land redistribution, fiscal adjustments, educational reforms, and urban development. Tebet has revived the proposals, modernising them to reflect contemporary challenges. The scale of the protests highlights widespread frustration with congressional delays. Despite broad popular support, entrenched political resistance continues to stall critical components of the reforms, particularly those targeting land redistribution and fiscal equity.

From São Paulo to Belém, Rio de Janeiro to Montevidéu, millions marched in unity. Demonstrators carried banners demanding action on reforms, signalling overwhelming public backing for the government’s agenda. Analysts suggest that the mobilisation was not just a show of support for Tebet, but also a call for Congress to act decisively.

The modernised Reformas de Base aim to reshape Brazil’s socioeconomic landscape by addressing systemic issues. Proposals include redistributing underutilised land to small-scale farmers, improving public education through civic and vocational training, simplifying tax codes to ensure fairer revenue distribution, and revitalising urban infrastructure in impoverished areas. These reforms are seen as critical to fostering long-term economic growth and social equity.

Despite the overwhelming public support, the road to implementation remains fraught. Congress, divided along ideological lines, has yet to align on key aspects of the reforms. Conservative lawmakers and agribusiness interests have pushed back against land redistribution, citing concerns over property rights. Fiscal reform proposals have faced similar resistance, with disagreements over revenue allocation among states stalling progress. The Tebet administration has prioritised consensus-building, but the legislative bottleneck persists. This delay has heightened tensions between the executive and legislative branches, drawing criticism from civil society groups and reform advocates.

The reforms hold significant historical weight. Originally conceived during a period of heightened social and political upheaval, the reforms were intended to address Brazil’s deep-rooted inequalities. However, their suspension following the 1964 coup left these issues unresolved, perpetuating disparities in land ownership, education, and urban development. President Tebet’s revival of the program is seen as an effort to complete unfinished business, correcting historical injustices while adapting to modern challenges. Her administration has emphasised the reforms’ potential to stimulate economic growth, enhance social mobility, and create a more equitable Brazil.

Despite widespread public support, Tebet’s agenda faces significant resistance in Congress. Opposition lawmakers and influential interest groups have slowed progress, citing concerns over the economic and political implications of the proposals. Land reform, in particular, has sparked fierce debate, with agribusiness representatives arguing it could disrupt agricultural productivity. The push for Central Bank independence has also faced scepticism from some legislators, who fear it may limit democratic oversight of monetary policy. Education reform, meanwhile, has drawn criticism from religious groups over the removal of mandatory religious instruction in public schools.

The success could redefine Brazil’s future. Economists suggest that the proposed changes, if implemented, would position Brazil as a more equitable and competitive global player. However, the delays in Congress underscore the challenges of achieving consensus on such transformative policies. For many, the protests mark a turning point in the debate. The massive show of public support sends a clear message to lawmakers: the people are demanding action. As the nation watches, the stakes are rising for both the government and Congress to deliver on the promise of change.

In the coming months, Brazil will face a critical test of its democratic institutions and political will. Whether the reforms succeed or falter will shape the trajectory of the nation for decades to come.

ORDEM E PROGRESSO
Order and Progress