by Max Barry

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Antifa Luxemburgist Communist Collective RMB

WA Delegate: None.

Founder: The Ṣạdiyqiym Bərẹsəlôḇ-ʿẠkkô of Democratic Communist Federation

Last WA Update:

Board Activity History Admin Rank

Nicest Citizens: 4th Largest Welfare Programs: 4th Most Compassionate Citizens: 5th+41
Most Inclusive: 6th Least Corrupt Governments: 8th Most Pacifist: 8th Most Eco-Friendly Governments: 10th Highest Foreign Aid Spending: 11th Highest Workforce Participation Rate: 17th Most Advanced Public Education: 21st Most Cheerful Citizens: 22nd Safest: 23rd Highest Average Tax Rates: 26th Most Beautiful Environments: 26th Most Popular Tourist Destinations: 28th Best Weather: 29th Most Extensive Public Healthcare: 41st Largest Governments: 42nd Most Rebellious Youth: 63rd Most Developed: 88th Highest Poor Incomes: 95th Smartest Citizens: 98th Most Efficient Economies: 119th Most Cultured: 130th Largest Publishing Industry: 133rd Longest Average Lifespans: 140th Most Advanced Public Transport: 148th Lowest Crime Rates: 177th Most Subsidized Industry: 217th Most Secular: 218th Largest Soda Pop Sector: 275th Highest Average Incomes: 295th Highest Drug Use: 325th Healthiest Citizens: 326th Most Scientifically Advanced: 363rd Largest Information Technology Sector: 500th Rudest Citizens: 522nd Highest Economic Output: 955th Most Extensive Civil Rights: 1,160th Most Valuable International Artwork: 1,332nd Nudest: 1,671st Most Income Equality: 2,040th Most Influential: 2,055th Highest Wealthy Incomes: 2,382nd
World Factbook Entry

The Autonomist Antifa movement, or antifascism, opposes the domination of Proletarian and Subaltern peoples. Autonomism is anti–authoritarian communism. The Antifa Luxemburgist Communist Collective™ (ALCC™) or Antifa Luxemburgism™—as a unifying agent of left regroupment—engages in protection and defense, never aggression and offense. ALCC’s left refoundation is based upon the Linksocialism from below of Linklibertarian Marxist communism. We also use LinkBhaskarian critical realism, a metatheory, and Linkintersectional Marxism, a critical theory. Our website is @ Telegram us. Although we do not accept other individual member nations into this region, embassies with non–fascist or anti–fascist regions are warmly welcomed and invited.

  1. 12

    Nationstates Ideologies

    FactbookMiscellaneous by Espiero . 554 reads.

Embassies: Misanthropic Bloc, Freedom and Justice Alliance, The Great Universe, Hippy Haven, Lardyland, The International Communist Union, Sufism, leftypol, Democratic Socialist Alliance, Trotsky League, The Revolutionary Communist Alliance, Luxembourg, Gypsy Lands, San Francisco, Taiwan, Vientiane, and 8 others.Turkic Union, The Spartacus and John Brown Society, Traveling Wilburys, Alliance of Democratic Socialists, Fredonia, The plaza, BCHS, and The Embassy.

Tags: Minuscule and Password.

Antifa Luxemburgist Communist Collective is home to a single nation.

Today's World Census Report

The Most Extreme in Antifa Luxemburgist Communist Collective

The World Census ranked nations on the basis of how odd, extreme, or fundamentalist their social, economic, and political systems are.

As a region, Antifa Luxemburgist Communist Collective is ranked 3,939th in the world for Most Extreme.

NationWA CategoryMotto
1.The Ṣạdiyqiym Bərẹsəlôḇ-ʿẠkkô of Democratic Communist FederationLeft-wing Utopia“Free speech is speech which frees the dominated!”

Regional Happenings


Antifa Luxemburgist Communist Collective Regional Message Board

The book, which includes the pronunciations for these words and many more, is here:

As I developed into a devout and principled libertarian communist, I became completely antagonistic to various permutations of domination or oppression. For many non–libertarian communists, devoting even some of one’s time to combatting numerous items on the following alphabetized list would likely be disparaged, regrettably in my view, as social justice warfare with their opponents or combatants negatively portrayed as SJWs. Factually, each component can be best characterized as a highway forming intersections within the capitalist world–system. A one–dimensional or flat view of capitalism has real–life consequences. Analyzing, and subsequently preparing to demolish, capitalism, is purely an exercise in futility if one misunderstands, at the outset, the multifaceted nature of capitalism. Likewise, a surgeon would never operate before being trained in anatomy.

Here are a number of my translations:

ʿadāˁ lil•muhāǧirīna (Arabic, عَدَاء لِلمُهَاجِرِينَ), “nativism”

ʿašā⫯yiriyyaẗ (Arabic, عَشَائِرِيَّة), “tribalism”

ʿAšīraẗ min Kū K°lūk°s (Arabic, عَشِيرَة مِن كُو كْلُوكْس), “Ku Klux Klan”

b°lūtūq°rāṭiyyaẗ (Arabic, بْلُوتُوقْرَاطِيَّة), “plutocracy”

daffāʿāt ʾal•far°ḍiyyaẗ ʾal•Kāl°fīniyyaẗ (Arabic, دَفَّاعَات الفَرْضِيَّة الكَالْفِينِيَّة), “Calvinistic presuppositional apologetics”

fāšiyyaẗ (Arabic, فَاشِيَّة), “fascism (Italian, fascismo)”

faw°ḍawiyyaẗ ʾal•waṭaniyyaẗ (Arabic, فَوْضَوِيَّة الوَطَنِيَّة), “national anarchism”

ġiyāb ʾal•lah°ǧiyy (Arabic, غِيَاب اللَهْجِيّ), “dialectical absence”

ḥālaẗ kaw°n°hā Hin°dūsiyyaẗ (Arabic, حَالَة كَوْنْهَا هِنْدُوسِيَّة), “Hinduness (Hindi, हिन्दुत्व, Hindutva)”

Ḥarakaẗ ʾal•Huwiyyaẗ ʾal•Masīḥiyyaẗ (Arabic, حَرَكَة الهُوِيَّة المَسِيحِيَّة), “Christian Identity Movement”

ḥarakaẗ ʾal•insāniyyaẗ ʾal•ǧadīdaẗ (Arabic, حَرَكَة الإِنْسَانِيَّة الجَدِيدَة), “the neofolkish movement (German, die neo–völkisch Bewegungen)”

ḥarakaẗ min ʾal•tanawwuʿ ʾal•ʿaṣabiyy (Arabic, حَرَكَة مِن تَنَوُّع العَصَبِيّ [MP3]), “neurodiversity movement”

Ḥarakaẗ ʾal•Naz°raẗ ʾal•Mašīḥiyyaẗ min ʾal•Kitāb ʾal•Muqaddas (Arabic, حَرَكَة النَظْرَة المَسِيحِيَّة مِن الكِتَاب المُقَدَّس), “Christian Biblical Worldview Movement”

ḥarakaẗ ʾal•waṭaniyyaẗ (Arabic, حَرَكَة الوَطَنِيَّة), “patriot movement”

ḥarakaẗ ʾal•musallaḥaẗ (Arabic, حَرَكَة المُسَلَّحَة), “militia movement”

ẖaw°f min ʾal•⫰Is°lām (Arabic, خَوْف مِن الإِسْلَام), “Islamophobia”

ẖawwafa min ʾal•miṯ°liyyīna (Arabic, خَوَّفَ مِن المِثْلِيِّينَ), “homophobia (a lay term for heterosexism)”

huwiyyaẗ min ʾal•biḍ (Arabic, هُوِيَّة مِن البِيض), “white identitarianism”

hay°manaẗ ʾal•ʾiq°tiṣādiyyaẗ (Arabic, هَيْمَنَة الاِقْتِصَادِيَّة), “economic domination or oppression”

ʿibādaẗ ʾal•Šay°ṭān ʾal•nāziyy ʾal•ǧadīd (Arabic, عِبَادَة الشَيْطَان النَازِيّ الجَدِيد), “neonazi Satanism”

ʾiġ°tiṣāb (Arabic, اِغْتِصَاب), “rape”

ʿil°mu ʾal•ẖal°q (Arabic, عِلْمُ الخَلْق), “creationism”

ʿil°mu ʾal•lahūt min ʾal•siyādaẗ (Arabic, عِلْمُ اللَاهُوت مِن السِيَادَة), “dominion theology”

⫰im°biriyāliyyaẗ (Arabic, إِمْبِرِيَالِيَّة), “imperialism”

⫰im°biriyāliyyaẗ ʾal•ṯaqāfiyyaẗ (Arabic, إِمْبِرِيَالِيَّة الثَقَافِيَّة), “cultural imperialism”

⫰ir°hāb ʾal•mad°ʿūm min ʾal•daw°laẗ (Arabic, إِرْهَاب المَدْعُو مِن الدَوْلَة), “state–sponsored terrorism”

ʾis°tib°dādiyyaẗ (Arabic, اِسْتِبْدَادِيَّة), “authoritarianism”

ʾis°tiġ°lāl ʾal•⫯at°fāl (Arabic, اِسْتِغْلَال الأَطْفَال), “child abuse”

ʾiḥ°tikār min ʾal•ḥiz°bay°ni ʾal•siyāsiyyīna (Arabic, اِحْتِكَار مِن الحِزْبَيْنِ السِيَاسِيِّينَ), “duopoly or two–partyism”

ʿis°maẗ ʾal•ʾiǧ°māliyyaẗ ġay°r ʾal•laf°ẓiyyaẗ (Arabic, عِصْمَة إِجْمَالِيَّة غَيْر اللَفْظِيَّة), “nonverbal plenary inerrancy”

ʿis°maẗ ʾal•ʾiǧ°māliyyaẗ ʾal•laf°ẓiyyaẗ (Arabic, عِصْمَة إِجْمَالِيَّة اللَفْظِيَّة), “verbal plenary inerrancy”

ʾis°tiʿlāˁ ʾal•bīḍ (Arabic, اِسْتِعْلَاء البِيض), “white supremacy”

ʾIs°tiš°rāq (Arabic, اِسْتِشْرَاق), “Orientalism”

ʿir°qiyyaẗ (Arabic, عِرْقِيَّة), “ethnocentrism”

ʾis°tiʿ°māru (Arabic, اِسْتِعْمَارُ), “colonialism”

ʾis°tiʿ°māru ʾal•ǧadīd (Arabic, اِسْتِعْمَارُ الجَدِيد), “neocolonialism”

⫰Iy°diyūlūǧiyyaẗ min ʾal•⫯Awwal ʾal•ʿĀlam (Arabic, إِيْدِيُولُوجِيَّة مِن أَوَّل العَالَم), “First–Worldism”

⫰iy°diyūlūǧiyyaẗ ʾal•qud°raẗ ʾal•badaniyyaẗ (Arabic, إِيْدِيُولُوجِيَّة القُدْرَة البَدَنِيَّة), “ablebodism, able–bodism, able–bodiedism, ablebodiedism, able–bodyism, or ablebodyism”

Kanīsaẗ ʾal•Taw°ḥīd (Arabic, كَنِيسَة التوْحِيد), “Unification Church”

kūn°fidirāliyyaẗ ʾal•ǧadīdaẗ (Arabic, كُونْفِدِرَالِيَّة الجَدِيدَة), “neoconfederalism”

ʾis°tiʿlāˁ ʾal•bāliġ (Arabic, اِسْتِعْلَاء البَالِغ), “adultism”

mar°kaz ʾal•ddīn (Arabic, مَرْكَز الدِّين), “religiocentrism”

Masīḥiyyaẗ ʾal•⫰in°ǧīliyyaẗ ʾal•muḥāfiẓaẗ (Arabic, مَسِيحِيَّة الإِنْجِيلِيَّة المُحَافِظَة), “conservative evangelical Christianity”

muʿādāẗu ʾal•Sāmiyyaẗ (Arabic, مُعَادَاةُ السَامِيَّة), “antisemitism”

muḍāḍḍ ʾal•ʾas°tināṯ min ʾal•ʾalakarāhiyyaẗ min ʾal•nisāˁ (Arabic, مُضَادّ اسْتِئْنَاث مِن الالَكَرَاهِيَّة مِن النِسَاء), “misogynistic antifeminism”

muḍāḍḍ ʾal•maḏ°habu ʾal•ʿaq°liyy (Arabic, مُضَادّ المَذْهَبُ العَقْلِيّ), “anti–intellectualism”

muḍāḍḍ ʾal•mar°ḍaỳ ʾal•ʿaq°liyyāṇ (Arabic, مُضَادّ المَرْضَى العَقْلِيَّاً), “sanism or mentalism”

muḍāḍḍ ʾal•miṯ°liyyīna (Arabic, مُضَادّ المِثْلِيِّينَ), “heterosexism”

muḍāḍḍ ʾal•muʿawwaqīna (Arabic, مُضَادّ المُعَوَّقِينَ), “ableism (U.S.) or disablism (UK)”

muḍāḍḍ ʾal•muʿāqīna ʾal•tan°mawiyyāṇ (Arabic, مُضَادّ المُعَاقِينَ تَنْمَوِيَّاً), “neurelitism”

muḍāḍḍ ʾal•musinnīna (Arabic, مُضَادّ المُسِنِّينَ), “ageism”

muḍāḍḍ ʾal•tanāquḏ ʾal•ǧin°s (Arabic, مُضَادّ التَنَاقُض الجِنْس), “cisgenderism”

muḥāfiẓaẗ ʾal•ǧadīdaẗ (Arabic, مُحَافِظَة الجَدِيدَة), “neoconservatism”

muḥāfiẓ ʾal•qadīm (Arabic, مُحَافِظ القَدِيم), “paleoconservatism”

muwāṭinīna ʾal•siyādaẗ (Arabic, مُوَاطِنِينَ السِيَادَة), “sovereign citizens”

naẖ°buwiyyaẗ ʾal•ʿaṣabiyyaẗ (Arabic, نَخْبُوِيَّة العَصَبِيَّة), “neurelitism or neurological élitism”

naẖ°buwiyyaẗ ʾal•sul°ṭaẗ (Arabic, نَخْبُوِيَّة السُلْطَة), “power élitism”

namūḏaǧ ʾal•taṣ°mīn ʾal•ḏakiyy (Arabic, نَمُوذَج التَصْمِيم الذَكِيّ), “intelligent design”

nāqadīna (Arabic, نَاقِدِينَ), plural, nuqqād (Arabic, نُقَّاد), or dual, nāqiday°ni (Arabic, نَاقِدَيْنِ), “Covenant–breaker (literally, critic)” with naq°d (Arabic, نَقْد), “Covenant–breaking (literally, criticism)”

naẓariyyāt ʾal•m⫯uwāmaraẗ (Arabic, نَظَرِيّات المُؤَامَرَة), “conspiracy theories”

naz°ʿaẗ ʾal•ʿir°qiyyaẗ (Arabic, نَزْعَة العِرْقِيَّة), “ethnicism”

naz°ʿaẗ ʾal•šaʿ°biyyaẗ ʾal•yamīniyyaẗ (Arabic, نَزْعَة الشَعْبِيَّة اليَمِينِيَّة), “right–populism”

naz°ʿaẗ ʾal•šaʿ°biyyaẗ ʾal•yasāriyyaẗ (Arabic, نَزْعَة الشَعْبِيَّة اليَسَارِيَّة), “left–populism”

nāziyyaẗ ʾal•ǧadīdaẗ (Arabic, نَازِيَّة الجَدِيدَة), “neonazism (German, Neonazismus)”

niqābiyyaẗ ʾal•waṭaniyyaẗ (Arabic, نِقَابِيَّة الوَطَنِيَّة), “national syndicalism”

ʾal•qaʿidaẗ min ʾal•ǧin°s ʾal•âẖar (Arabic, لقَاعِدَة مِن الجِنْس الآخَر), “heteronormativity”

qaw°miyyaẗ (Arabic, قَوْمِيَّة), “nationalism” (fervently opposed by Rosa)

qaw°miyyaẗ min ʾal•bay°ḍāˁ (Arabic, قَوْمِيَّة مِن البَيْضَاء), “white nationalism”

quwwaẗ min ʾal•bay°ḍāˁ (Arabic, قُوَّة مِن البَيْضَاء), “white power”

r⫯āsumāliyyaẗuṇ (Arabic, رَأْسُمَالِيَّةٌ), “capitalism”

ruhāb ʾal•⫯aǧānib (Arabic, رُهَاب الأَجَانِب), “xenophobia”

ruhāb bay°na ʾal•ǧin°s (Arabic, رُهَاب بَيْنَ الجِنْس), “intersexphobia”

ruhāb ʾal•mutaḥawwilīna min ʾal•ǧin°s (Arabic, رُهَاب المُتَحَوِّلِينَ مِن الجِنْس,), “transphobia”

ruhāb min ʾal•siḥāqiyyaẗ (Arabic, رُهَاب مِن السِحَاقِيَّة), “lesbophobia”

ruhāb ʾal•ṯunā⫯yiyyī ʾal•ǧin°s (Arabic, رُهَاب الثُنَائِيِّي الجِنْس), “biphobia”

Salafiyyaẗ (Arabic, سَلَفِيَّة), “Salafism or predecession”; or Wahhābiyyaẗ (Arabic, وَهّابِيَّة), “Wahhabism”

say°ṭaraẗ ʾal•ǧin°siyyaẗ (Arabic, سَيْطَرَة الجِنْسِيَّة), “sexism”

say°ṭaraẗ ʾal•tanāsufiyy (Arabic, سَيْطَرَة التَنَاسُلِيّ), “sexual (or reproductive) domination”

say°ṭaraẗ ʾal•ṯaqāfiyyaẗ (Arabic, سَيْطَرَة الثَقَافِيَّة), “cultural hegemony”

S°t°rāsiriyyaẗ (Arabic, سْتْرَاسِرِيَّة), “Strasserism (German, Straßerismus)”

sul°ṭaẗ min ʾal•riǧāl (Arabic, سُلْطَة مِن الرِجَال), “patriarchy”

taʿaṣṣub ʾal•naw°ʿ (Arabic, تَعَصُّب النَوْع), “genderism”

ṭabaqāt ʾal•ǧāmidaẗ (Arabic, طَبَقَات الجَامِدَة), “casteism”

ṭabaqiyyaẗ (Arabic, طَبَقِيَّة), “classism”

taḥarruriyyaẗ ʾal•yamīniyyaẗ (Arabic, تَحَرُّرِيَّة مِن اليَمِين), “right–libertarianism”

taḥarruš ʾal•ṭif°l (Arabic, تَحَرُّش الطِفْل), “child molestation”

taḥayyuz ʾal•ʾir°tifāʿ (Arabic, تَحَيُّز الاِرْتِفَاع), “heightism”

tam°yīz ḍidda ʾal•⫯aǧ°yāl (Arabic, تَمْيِيز ضِدَّ أَجْيَال), “generationism”

tam°yīz ḍidda ʾal•⫯aʿ°maỳ (Arabic, تَمْيِيز ضِدَّ الأَعْمَى), “sightism”

tam°yīz ʾal•ʾas°tināṯ (Arabic, تَمْيِيز الاسْتِئْنَاث), “sizeism”

tam°yīz ḍidda ʾal•law°n (Arabic, تَمْيِيز ضِدَّ اللَوْن), “colorism”

tam°yīz ḍidda ʾal•maẓ°har (Arabic, تَمْيِيز ضِدَّ المَظْهَر), “lookism”

tam°yīz luġawiyy (Arabic, تَمْيِيز لُغَوِيّ), “linguisticism”

tam°yīz ʾal•ṣumm (Arabic, تَمْيِيز الصُمّ), “audism”

ta⫯yifiyyaẗ (Arabic, طَائِفِيَّة), “sectarianism”

T°rum°biyyaẗ (Arabic, تْرُمْبِيَّة), “Trumpism”

Ṯūliyāniyyaẗ (Arabic, ثُولِيَانِيَّة), “Thuleanism or Thulianism (German, Thuleanismus)”

turakkiz ʾalaỳ ʾal•Masīḥiyyaẗ (Arabic, تُرَكِّز عَلَى المَسِيحِيَّة), “Christocentrism”

⫯Ummaẗ min ʾal•⫰Is°lām (Arabic, أُمَّة مِن الإِسْلَام), “Nation of Islam; of Louis Farrakhan (Arabic, لُوِيس فُرْقَان, Luwīs Fur°qān, Louis Proof or Criterion, arguably, a third positionist”)

ʿun°f ʾal•man°ziliyy (Arabic, عُنْف المَنْزِلِيّ), “domestic violence”

ʿun°ṣuriyyaẗ (Arabic, عُنْصُرِيَّة), “racism”

ʿun°ṣuriyyaẗ ʾal•m⫯ūssasiyyaẗ (Arabic, عُنْصُرِيَّة المُؤَسَّسِيَّة), “institutionlized (or institutional) racism”

ʿun°ṣuriyyaẗ min ʾal•ṣaʿ°maỳ li•law°n (Arabic, عُنْصُرِيَّة مِن الأَعْمَى لِلَوْن), “color–blind racism” a.k.a. ʿun°ṣuriyyaẗ ʾal•ǧadīdaẗ (Arabic, عُنْصُرِيَّة الجَدِيدَة), “new racism”

⫯uṣūliyyaẗ ʾal•Masīḥiyyaẗ (Arabic, أُصُولِيَّة المَسِيحِيَّة), “Christian fundamentalism”

⫯Uw°dīniyyaẗ (Arabic, أُوْدِينِيَّة), “Odinism”

⫯uw°līġār°šiyyaẗ (Arabic, أُوْلِيغَارْشِيَّة), “oligarchy”

wāqiʿ ǧuz°⫯yiyyāṇ (Arabic, وَاقِع جُزْئِيّاً), “demireality”

yamīn ʾal•badīl (Arabic, يَمِين البَدِيل), “alt–right”

ẓul°m (Arabic, ظُلْم), “injustice”

ẓul°m ʾal•ʾiǧ°timāʿiyy (Arabic, ظُلْم اِجْتِمَاعِيّ), “social injustice”

A short excerpt from one of my books:

American Autonomism, which includes Antifa in the U.S., was one of the finest fruits of the American New Left. Sadly, Antifa is viscerally hated by many Marxist–Leninists, syndicalists, and others—not to mention, fascists and the virtually synonymous third–positionists. We, those who bore witness to the history of the American New Left, genuinely believed in the immediacy of a genuine revolution, and, further, that we were among the vanguard. How, I frequently ask myself, could we be so horribly mistaken? The opposite of everything we anticipated transpired. The revolutionary optimism of the 1960s gave way to the inward–looking of the nonsensical New Age Movement and the intensely solipsistic psychobabble of the 1970s and, thereafter, the neoliberalism—Reaganomics in the U.S. and TINA (there is no alternative) in the UK—of the 1980s.

This is January of the bittersweet year of 2019. It is the 100ᵗʰ anniversary of the assassination of Rosa Luxemburg. 2019 would also have been my late father’s 100ᵗʰ birthday.

Hal Draper’s socialism from below is post–Trotskyist. Post–Trotskyism and neo–Trotskyism are terms given by some writers to tendencies which, while beginning in Trotskyism, either try to move beyond it or to renew it. Among those tendencies are international socialism and third–camp socialism. Draper was one of the leaders of third–camp socialism. I alternated between identifying with third–camp socialism and international socialism. In other words, I have been a post–Trotskyist, too. From within that post–Trotskyism, I turned to Luxemburgism. Near the end of Trotsky’s life, while exiled in North America, he had already adopted the informal, egalitarian style of libertarian Marxism. If he was not, sadly, assassinated in Mexico by a Soviet operative, Trotsky might have, over time, become a post–Trotskyist, too.

21st-century fascism is, to many of us in Antifa, different from 20th-century fascism. The new fascism would, for instance, include right authoritarianism in general, including the U.S. MAGA movement.

I am deeply concerned about events in Washington. It looks like impeachment proceedings may soon begin against Trump. Like a cornered animal, I am concerned what he might do to prove himself. Follow John Bolton and start a war with Iran perhaps?

As U.S. President Trump feels increasingly cornered and threatened, he may become a threat to human survival. Obviously, he has no problem caging people along the U.S.-Mexican border.

I have sometimes read other Marxists, on NationStates, argue against gun control. My question is: Where, in the writings of Marx or Engels (not later writers), is there any statement which would support this viewpoint? I have never seen one. Certainly, in a future hypothetical revolution, revolutionaries will presumably have weapons. However, there is no Marxist revolution in my country (the U.S.). Most people who own guns support the gun culture and are, generally, conservatives and, in some cases, on the far right. My own view is that no one should have guns now, including the police. Now, I realize that my proposal is unrealistic. However, I think that, as a dialectic or contradiction, it makes sense to express this perspective. Why? To counter the position of the National Rifle Association. That organization argued that everyone, including those with psychoses (such as paranoid schizophrenia), should be permitted to own guns. When the time arrives, as Marx and Engels argued in an address (, revolutionary proletarians will be armed. In that same address, they contrast these revolutionary proletarians with the petty bourgeoisie (petite bourgeoisie): “The democratic petty bourgeois, far from wanting to transform the whole society in the interests of the revolutionary proletarians, only aspire to a change in social conditions which will make the existing society as tolerable and comfortable for themselves as possible.” In 1850, the year of that address, Marx and Engels were hopeful that all proletarians would become revolutionaries. Their disappointment increased over time.

Only a few more days of the most fascist president in U.S. history. Now we move from fascism to neoliberalism. Both are evil, but at least neoliberals don't generally support white ethnonationalism.

To clarify my previous statement on gun control. Marx distinguished between the Proletariat and the Lumpenproletariat. Proletarians (class-conscious workers), according to Marx, can be armed. He made no such statement about Lumpenproletarians (false-conscious workers). Overall, the latter make up the vast majority of workers globally. That is why there has not be an international revolution.

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